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 Synopsis:  The following synopsis has been culled from notes of the  symposium sessions. It is offered here to provide some sense of the symposium’s  topics and discussions, especially for those who could not attend but may wish  to participate in the future. These summaries of participants’ comments are not  verbatim nor are they complete, and may not be used for citation.  For further information about the topics mentioned here, refer first to the  participants’ published works (see the Iconic Books Bibliography) and then  contact the individual participants themselves. Friday, September 4th:Scholars  working in different disciplines and specializing in different cultures and  time periods gathered to share data and insights on iconic books and texts. Brent  Plate (Hamilton) opened the symposium and introduced Dean Joseph Urgo who welcomed the assembled scholars to Hamilton College.
 Jim Watts (Syracuse  University) gave the opening address. He reviewed the nine-year history of the  Iconic Books Project that set the stage of this series of symposia. The goal is  to create a new academic discourse around this subject. The last symposium put  six significant issues on the table that participants this year might want to  take up.  
                    Is the terminology of “icon”  and “iconic” appropriate for  texts from unrelated cultures and time periods? What alternative terms are available?  Dori Parmenter has defined “iconic book” as functionally identical to icons as  understood by Eastern Orthodox theologians.The problem of comparison: Comparisons  between superficially similar phenomena in separate cultures and periods suffer  from lack of control, as is widely recognized. How can comparison of iconic  book practices avoid this well-known pitfall? Watts noted that comparative  study casts the materials of his own specialty in a different light and, for  him, that is its principal value.The distinction between  religious and secular texts: Is there anything distinctive about the  iconicity of religious texts?The functional relationship  between iconicity and the other dimensions of texts: How do  practices of visual display and material manipulation influence the reading and  interpretation of particular text? Watts reviewed briefly his own theory of the  three dimensions (semantic, performative, iconic) of texts, then invited  critique and alternative proposals.The socio-political location of  iconic book practices: Books and other texts mediate social power both  within communities and between them. They do so iconically as well as  semantically, though with different effects. Value-judgments about iconic  book practices: The usual attitude of scholars towards iconic book and text  practices is disparaging and dismissive. Not only do such judgments interfere with analyzing the phenomenon, but these old  preconceptions also need to be studied and understood in  social context. Watts proceeded to apply some  observations from the first symposium to materials in his own field. Surviving  texts from the ancient Near East exhibit four kinds of iconicity: (1) tablets  and scrolls serve as marks of status and expertise in portraits of scribes; (2)  monumental texts demonstrate royal and temple power and wealth; (3) kings and  priests displayed old texts to legitimize ritual performances; (4) myths  describe heavenly texts in which the gods write human fates. This last category  includes Mesopotamian stories of battles among the gods to possess such  “Tablets of Destiny” and thereby become king of the gods. These myths reflect  the politics of textual production and possession in many ancient Near Eastern  courts. The Assyrian king, Assurbanipal, built his massive library through  conquest and used it as an instrument of oversight and control. The myths reflect  the fact that possession of iconic texts conveys cultural prestige and  political supremacy.  Saturday,  September 5th:The symposium proceeded on the  following days with discussion sessions introduced by presentations by each of  the panellists.
  9:00: Brent  Plate (Hamilton College) pointed out that written words are images.  He illustrated this point by noting how the shape of handwritten script or  printed typefaces has been used in advertising, in Qur’anic manuscripts and in  graffiti. Page layout also influences how readers receive the image of the  text. Qur’anic pages frequently have borders that frame them and Bibles are  conventionally laid out in two columns. Explicit agendas often determine  choices of font and layout: the Protestants’ emphasis on clarity and  communication stimulated the creation of more readable fonts (e.g. Baskerville)  which has been continued by advertisers who design for communicative  transparency (e.g. Helvetica). Plate concluded that “words are images,” thus  interpretation is also emotional and affective. As a result the three  dimensions of texts (semantic, performative and iconic) cannot be separated.  All three always influence readers. Dan Moseson (Syracuse) observed  that differences in script and font are the visual equivalent of differences in  tone and inflection in speech. Zeev Elitzur (Ben-Gurion) remarked that we  should distinguish between iconic “texts” by virtue of their script or font and  iconic “books” by virtue of their physical form.
 9:45:  Timothy Beal (Chase Western Reserve) asked,  “Is the medium the icon?” He distinguished between the cultural iconicity of  the idea of the Bible and particular iconic Bibles, and wondered how the idea  of the Bible can contain such a variety of different forms of Bibles, ranging  from traditional, leather-bound codices to children’s bibles, Bibles in  magazine format (“biblezines”), and graphic novel format. Furthermore, the word  “bible” gets used in to describe any kind of authoritative handbook with  connotations of accessibility, comprehensiveness and exclusiveness. Beal argued  that the combination of tech culture with marketing capitalism is  deconstructing the Bible as iconic book.  Believing that the message (“the  Word”) transcends any and every medium, evangelical publishers feel free to  transform the Bible continuously. But Beal also noted that the Bible has never  been as unified and singular as popular notions of it suggest. There have  always been a plurality of Bibles and forms of Bibles. He wondered if, in fact,  as a “cultural icon” the idea of the Bible gains its power from its amorphous  boundaries. Kristina Myrvold (Lund)  pointed out that traditions usually exist in tension between efforts to  establish eternal and unchanging practices and beliefs on the one hand, and the  constant need to re-perform and recontextualize them on them other, as  anthropologists have long observed.
  10:30: Tazim  Kassam (Syracuse) worried that “iconic” is a scholars' label with which  participants in Muslim worship would not identify. The Qur’an, in book form,  plays little role in either worship or art. Instead, it is performed orally,  best from memory, and its visual impact comes from its verses inscribed on  mosques and elsewhere. In contrast to the Bible as described by Beal, the  Qur’an is not pluriform, but singular: one text, one language. Even the  Qur’anic pages that frame the text with elaborate borders described by Plate  also include elements that point off the page to indicate that scripture cannot  be contained by the page. It is “a book that resists being a book” and is  therefore in an important sense aniconic. Only in modern times have Qur’ans  begun to play iconic roles when portrayed on monuments or held high during  protest demonstrations.
  11:00: Gurinder Singh Mann (U.C. Santa Barbara)  reviewed the manuscript history of the Sikh scriptures, Guru Granth Sahib. Fully  canonized in the early 1700s, manuscripts of older precursors now serve as  relic texts, cherished and preserved but not ritually recited and interpreted.  The Sikh community shows great interest in the Guru Granth’s mode of production  and its two original scribes who are often depicted in Sikh iconography. The  ritual treatment of the text has remained basically the same over three  centuries, though details vary. The founding gurus served as the medium for the  text and were subservient to the transmission of the text; once it was  complete, it replaced the gurus. Therefore, Mann argued that Guru Granth is not  primarily a visual symbol but personal—that which is prayed to and which  answers through its text. The exchange is not primarily visual, as in Hindu  practice, but rather aural in nature.
  11:30: Kristina Myrvold (Lund) described four types  of text ritual among contemporary Sikh communities: (1) rituals of recitation,  transmission and interpretation; (2) using recitation to accomplish specific  results, e.g. to create nectars for healing; (3) rituals in which the scripture  plays a central role in social life, e.g. weddings; (4) veneration of scripture  as the living guru. After giving examples and drawing further distinctions within  these various categories, she drew attention especially to “life-cycle” rituals  in which the creation, preservation and disposal of the Guru Granth are  ritualized on analogy with the rituals that mark human life transitions. Identified  as the “living Guru” with whom Sikh worshipers stand in relationship, the  scripture functions for Sikhs less iconically than indexically, i.e. as a  marker of identity. Joanne  Waghorne suggested that this exemplifies also the function of human gurus  in Indic traditions as mediating between iconicity and semantic teaching,  between the ruler (maharajah) and the ascetic. Mann responded that  Sikhs, however, distinguish sharply between the Guru Granth and God, just as  they clearly distinguish the historical human gurus from God.
 12:15: Jim Watts related an anecdote about a Sikh man  who, when asked if he had a copy of Guru Granth in his home, responded “No,  that book is entirely too much trouble.” He contrasted that with typical  Christians who often own many copies of the Bible. But the two traditions both  ritualize their scriptures to a high degree, just in opposite ways. Christians  accumulation of multiple Bibles indicates ritual veneration as well. Watts also  argued that so-called “modern” attitudes towards translatability and mutability  of textual contents may reflect the culture’s religious presuppositions, since  Christians since antiquity have tended to take this attitude towards the Bible,  as Beal already illustrated.  2:00: Lisa  Gitelman (NYU) described her research interest in “the social life of  paper,” more broadly, “how the instruments and practices of knowledge  production work to construct the practices by which knowledge is defined.”  Echoing Watts’ observation that a realistic picture of a text is a text,  she wondered what other kinds of pictorial subjects are equivalent to their own  image. Gitelman presented two books as examples: a 19th century  volume that reproduces examples of job printing (receipts, playbills,  invitations, etc.) and a 21st century art book that reinscribes the  entire New York Times for September 1, 2000, in book (novel) format. She  asked if such books make ephemera iconic. Is ephemerality the opposite of  iconicity? The ensuing discussion noted that  collector’s use of the very category of “ephemera” changes the status of such  items into something worth collecting and so no longer ephemeral at all.
 2:45: Patrick  Graham (Emory) described the Digital Image Archive of Pitts  Theological  Library at Emory University, which contains an especially large collection of  Reformation-era woodcuts and prints. Searching for “book” in the Archive  produced 800 results, “scroll” 150 more. The results fall into several  different categories: books and scrolls appear as (1) representations of actual liturgical scenes from the time of the artists; (2) attributes in portraiture; (3) weapons of polemical  satire; and (4) title-page borders. Graham noted that illustrated texts tend to  be read in light of the illustrations, because the pictures draw attention  first. 3:30: Phil  Arnold (Syracuse) gave two examples of the impact of conquest and   colonialism on book culture. (1) Because of a traumatic history with  book-oriented cultures, many indigenous people now exhibit attitudes that are  anti-Bible, anti-book and, often, anti-text-based education. (2) Aztecs produced  native papers that were used in power relationships within their own culture.  Collected and catalogued by anthropologists, those same papers become tools for  power relationships in Western academic culture.  4:00: Zeev  Elitzur (Ben-Gurion) argued that a major transition in the scriptural  function of Torah occurred in Judaism between the second and fourth centuries  C.E. Only in Talmudic texts from the later period were scriptures limited to  the Hebrew language alone. It was then that interpretation increasingly focused  on visual aspects of the Hebrew text, such as letter forms and spellings.  Earlier sources (Mishnah and related literature) obscure the story of Moses  receiving scrolls of Torah at Mt. Sinai, while later (Talmudic) ones emphasize  it. Elitzur suggested that this development was due, in large part, to  developing ideas of the “oral torah” in the later period. The elevated statue  of the oral torah enhanced by contrast the significance of the material form of  written torah, emphasizing the sign more than what it signifies.
 4:30: Jason  Larson (Syracuse) defined an iconic book as “a great gift book.”  Recalling  his own experience as an archivist with the ideologies of archive management,  he pointed out the importance of inscriptions as sites of politicized memory in  the ancient Roman empire. By contrast, early Christians developed sites of  memory in relics and Gospel books which had the advantage of being portable. When Emperor Diocletion attacked Christian books to suppress the movement, many  people cut off the iconic Christian bindings and stuffed them with other  contents before giving them to the Romans. The consequence of such persecution  was to elevate books as sites of memory to a status equal to bodily relics.  That status was confirmed by Constantine’s official publication of Christian  books as a sign of its new status in the empire.  5:15: Dori  Parmenter (Spalding) pointed out that Eastern Orthodox Christianity  emphasizes not just the visual aspect, but also the material nature of icons.  They are material mediators of the unseen world. She therefore echoed Elitzur  in distinguishing icon (= books as art, material objects, manipulated in book  rituals) from iconicity (= books in art, visual objects, symbols). She also  emphasized that Orthodox icons derive their significance from both ritual and  myth. The Bible and many other scriptures do as well.                   Sunday,  September 6th:  9:00: Yohan  Yoo (Seoul National U.) recalled Mircea Eliade’s observation that elite  social groups regard sacred things as symbolic, but lay people think of them as  the sacred itself. He reviewed academic studies of scripturality to show that  lay practices and beliefs have been ignored. In Korean Buddhism, monks  monopolize the performative and interpretive dimensions of Buddhist scriptures,  but they support the iconic rituals of the laity. Koreans and Japanese use  Buddhist scriptures written in classical Chinese. Translations into Korean,  though available since the 15th century, have received little use  until recently. However, the Buddhist canon was published on a monumental scale   from the 11th century on to guarantee  military protection for the country. A sutra was given royal parades to drive away disasters and diseases from the capital of Koryo dynasty. Rotating prayer turrets and walking sutra  mazes allow lay people to “pray” the sutras through physical activity. Technological  changes have recently contributed to a democratization of sutra recitation and  writing. Major temples produce CDs and internet sites that make recitations  readily available. Some sites even allow people to write a sutra verse on their  own computer. Like many other kinds of sutra merchandise, they are marketed as  providing positive karma and avoid misfortunate.
  9:45: Joanne  Waghorne (Syracuse) reported her observation in Singapore of a “Gita  Jayanti,” a birthday party for the Bhagavad Gita. The celebrations included  party invitations, ritualization of the Gita’s semantic dimension through  scholarly panels and lay quizzes, the performative dimension in a chanting  competition for boys and girls, and the iconic dimension through the havan—fire  pit ceremonies for each chapter. Here in Singapore this ancient Vedic ritual  has been popularized and made inclusive of women, children and people of many  backgrounds. (The Gita is short and didactic and has therefore was singled out  to function as “Hindu scripture” by British colonialists in India. Now in the  Hindu diaspora, people will take legal oaths on the Gita on analogy with the  Christian Bible.) In the havan, the Gita’s words are recited over the  fire to transform them so that their essence accumulates in water that is then  poured on the image of Krishna—thus returning the divine words to the god who  spoke them. Thus the words of the Gita become incorporated by a literal icon.  Afterwards, worshipers drink the water, thus imbibing the words into their  bodies. The following discussion noted how  the political and social context of Singapore has been imprinted on the ritual,  including sponsorship by a government official, the requirement of open access  to temples, etc.
 10:30: Dori  Parmenter (Spalding) showed pictures of a billboard of the Ten Commandments  beside a highway in Ohio to prompt a lively discussion of how its distinctive  text fonts and lack of labelling prompted diverse responses from different  kinds of people. 
 11:00: The  concluding roundtable discussion ranged across issues of terminology (icon, iconicity,  relic, and textual practices that fall somewhere in between), the  socio-political location of iconic book practices (lay vs. elite, the effects  of politics, colonization, modernization and globalization) and the role of  value judgments in their analysis (how theological assumptions bias assessment  vs. the importance of paying attention to emic descriptions of how books and  scriptures function). Additional issues that should factor into analysis of  iconic books include (1) how texts can function as or in place of persons, and  (2) how digital texts are being ritualized. Postscript: A third symposium on iconic books  will take place in October 1-3, 2010, at Syracuse University. On this occasion,  participants will be asked for written papers which can be pre-circulated and  discussed at the symposium. Details will be posted to this website soon. (Thanks to Cordell  Waldron for taking the pictures!) |